CORE PATH R49 49 / 108

What Kind of Institution Deserves Our Support?

It is not enough to ask whether an institution is necessary. The deeper question is what it must be like to deserve our support: just, limited, accountable, close to people, and directed toward serving the community.

The previous two articles examined two possible foundations of political obligation. The first was consent. If a person freely accepts something, that act can create a special obligation. The second was fairness or fair play. If others fairly carry the burdens of a common system from which we also benefit, we may have a moral duty not to live at their expense.

But there is an even stronger argument. Perhaps we have a duty to support certain institutions even when we did not personally choose them and even when their benefits cannot be precisely assigned to each individual. The reason would be simple:

because they are just.

John Rawls described this idea as a natural duty of justice: moral agents may have a duty to support just institutions that exist and apply to them. But that formulation immediately creates the next problem. If we have a duty to support just institutions, we first need to know:

What kind of institution is just enough to deserve our support?

That question begins to move us from criticism of authority toward a positive social vision.

The Existence of an Institution Is Not a Moral Argument

Institutions can be extremely useful. Courts can resolve disputes. Hospitals can provide medical care. Fire services can prevent disaster.

Schools can transmit knowledge. Local communities can maintain shared resources. Insurance systems can distribute risk. But an institution is not good simply because it is an institution.

Organized criminal groups are organized. Empires have institutions. Slave societies had institutions. Authoritarian states can possess highly efficient administrations.

We therefore need to distinguish: institutional capacity from the moral justification of the institution.

Something can function very efficiently while remaining deeply unjust. The first question is therefore not: “Does the institution exist?” nor even: “Is it efficient?” but: “What does it serve, how does it use power, and what kind of relationship does it create among people?”

The Institution Should Serve the Person, Not the Person the Institution

This may be the most basic criterion. We create institutions because individuals cannot or do not wish to perform every necessary task alone. We need coordination. Knowledge.

Shared infrastructure. Mechanisms for resolving disputes. Protection from violence. Cooperation on problems larger than the individual. But when an institution begins treating its own continued existence as an end in itself, the relationship reverses.

Instead of: “We exist to perform a particular function for people,” we get: “People exist to sustain us.” That transformation can happen slowly.

An institution develops an administration. The administration develops interests of its own. Those interests require more resources. More resources require more control.

Control creates new reasons for expansion. Over time, an instrument created for a purpose can become a system whose central purpose is its own reproduction. The first criterion of a just institution should therefore be:

its power must remain subordinate to the function that morally justifies its existence.

Function Should Determine the Boundary of Authority

If a fire service exists to fight fires, its necessary powers arise from that function. If arbitration exists to resolve a dispute, its authority arises from the particular dispute and the rules of the procedure. If a professional body evaluates the safety of a bridge, it has strong reasons to make judgments about structural engineering. That does not give it a general moral right to determine a person's religion, private relationships, or political beliefs.

The principle can be stated simply: A larger function does not automatically create broader sovereignty. Whenever an institution claims a new power, it should be able to show the connection between: the problem,

the function, the power required, and the limits of that power. A just institution therefore asks not only: “Can we do this?” but: “Do we have a justified reason to do this?”

Justice Is Not the Same as Legitimacy

Even a highly just social arrangement does not answer every question about authority. Political philosophy often distinguishes between justice and legitimacy. An institution may be imperfect or unjust in some respects while remaining sufficiently legitimate that its decisions are not simply arbitrary acts of coercion. Conversely, a just goal does not automatically justify every means used to achieve it.

Imagine a very good objective. Reducing poverty. That goal alone does not establish that every measure taken in its name is permissible. Or environmental protection.

The objective may be justified while the method is disproportionate. Or public safety. Again, the purpose does not remove every moral boundary. A just institution must therefore answer two questions: Is the objective justified? and Is the method used to pursue it justified?

A Just Institution Must Be Limited

If an institution can determine for itself: what it may do, how many resources it requires, who oversees it,

how its mistakes are judged, and when its authority ends, the problem is obvious. It becomes the judge of its own power.

Just institutions therefore need boundaries that they cannot move arbitrarily. This may include: clearly defined competences, transparent procedures,

external review, appeal mechanisms, time limits, separation of functions,

competition among institutions, or the possibility of exit where the nature of the relationship permits it. The precise bureaucratic form is secondary. The principle is: power requires a counterweight.

Decisions Should Remain as Close to the Person as Possible

This brings us to the principle of subsidiarity. Its central intuition is simple:

Tasks should be handled at the lowest or most human-scale level capable of solving them effectively and fairly.

A higher level should intervene when lower levels cannot solve the problem adequately, or when the problem itself genuinely exceeds the scope of the local community. The deeper moral idea matters more than any particular institutional formulation. If an individual can solve a problem, there is no obvious reason for the community to take it over unnecessarily. If a local community can solve it, it does not automatically need to become a national decision. If the problem genuinely crosses local boundaries, broader cooperation may be justified. Society is therefore built less: from the top downward and more: from the person outward.

Smaller Communities Have a Special Advantage

In a smaller community, the consequences of one's actions are often easier to see. A person who pollutes the local stream may know the people who use it. Someone who refuses to contribute to a common project can see the neighbors carrying the burden. A decision is not merely a line inside an anonymous system.

It has a face. That can increase responsibility. Smaller communities may also possess better knowledge of local conditions, needs, resources, traditions, and particular people than a distant central administration. But this is not an argument for romanticizing smallness.

A small community can also be deeply oppressive. It can punish difference. Exclude minorities. Develop nepotism.

Allow a wealthy family, religious group, or local elite to acquire disproportionate power. Therefore: local is not automatically just. The advantage of proximity must be combined with protection of the individual.

The Community Must Not Become the New Ruler

If we criticize centralized authority and then transfer all power to the local community, we have not necessarily solved the problem. We may merely have reduced the geographical scale of the ruler. A moral community cannot be based on the idea: “The individual belongs to the community.”

A better formulation is: “Individuals form a community because cooperation enables them to create things they could not create alone.” Community is a relationship. It is not the owner of its members.

A local community must therefore also respect a protected personal sphere: conscience, bodily integrity, privacy,

legitimate property, freedom of thought, the possibility of exit where practically possible, and the right not to be punished merely for being different. This is what separates community from collectivism.

Compassion Cannot Become Merely an Administrative Program

A society can build an extensive system of assistance and still become emotionally cold. A person in difficulty receives a case number. A form. A decision.

A payment. Perhaps everything they formally require. But no one actually knows them. The opposite extreme is not sufficient either.

Individual charity can be uneven, unreliable, and inadequate for large-scale problems. The positive vision is therefore not: institutions or compassion. It is: institutions that enable and support human solidarity rather than completely replacing it.

Smaller communities have a particular opportunity here. Mutual aid does not need to be anonymous. People can know one another's needs. They can cooperate directly.

They can create funds, cooperatives, networks of assistance, shared services, and other forms of solidarity. Broader networks remain necessary when the local community cannot solve a problem alone.

Human Scale Is Not Isolation

When we speak about smaller communities, we are not proposing that every village return to complete self-sufficiency. Modern people rely on knowledge, technology, and infrastructure created through enormous networks of cooperation. Hospitals need specialists. Medicines require international supply chains.

Science requires global exchange of information. Energy systems require broad coordination. Some ecological problems can only be addressed across several regions or countries. A smaller community is therefore not an island.

It is an elementary cell within a wider network. We can imagine society as several levels of cooperation: the individual, the family or voluntary household,

the local community, the region, a broader federation, and international networks. But the higher level does not exist in order to automatically absorb the lower ones. It exists where the problem genuinely requires broader cooperation.

Polycentricity Instead of a Single Center

Elinor Ostrom's work on common resources and complex systems showed that governance does not need to be divided only between the market and the centralized state. Polycentric systems involve several centers of decision-making that overlap, cooperate, compete, and limit one another. This fits well with the positive vision being developed here. One community may manage local water.

Several communities may jointly manage a regional water system. A specialized organization may monitor water quality scientifically. Independent arbitration may resolve disputes. A wider framework may help when the problem crosses local boundaries.

One institution does not necessarily need a monopoly over the whole of human life. Different functions can be performed by different, interconnected structures. Such a system does not eliminate authority. But it may reduce the concentration of authority.

More Centers Also Mean More Paths to Correction

Centralization has one major advantage. It can enable uniform and rapid decisions. But the same feature creates risk. If a centralized decision is wrong, the mistake may affect everyone.

In a polycentric system, different communities can experiment with different solutions. Errors may remain more local. Successful solutions can spread. People can compare outcomes.

Institutions can learn from one another. Again, this is not an automatic solution. Local institutions can coordinate around bad practices. Cartels can form.

Competition can become a race toward lower standards. Polycentricity therefore also needs shared moral and procedural safeguards. But it offers something a monolithic system often provides less easily: multiple independent paths toward correction.

The Right to Exit Matters, but It Is Not Absolute

If a person participates voluntarily in an organization, the ability to exit is a strong protection against abuse. If an association begins acting against their values, they can leave it. If a service becomes poor, they can choose another. If a community becomes intolerable, they may seek another environment. But exit is not a magical solution.

Moving may be expensive. People have relationships. Children attend school. Property cannot always be moved. And a person cannot use “exit” to erase obligations to those they have harmed.

The possibility of exit must therefore be connected with: realistic alternatives, portability of basic rights, clear obligations, and systems of restitution. A just community does not hold a person as property. But exit does not erase responsibility either.

Nature Sets Limits Politics Cannot Repeal

If society is to be genuinely moral, its relationship with nature cannot be merely an economic issue. Human beings can pass a law declaring a certain level of pollution acceptable. That does not change the chemistry of water. They can vote that excessive extraction of a resource counts as “development.” That does not create a new forest.

They can alter the accounting value of land. They cannot politically repeal ecological consequences. Nature is therefore one of the clearest examples of a reality that does not depend on our beliefs. A just institution does not ask only: What do we want?

It also asks: What can the physical system actually sustain? Living with nature does not mean romanticizing the past or rejecting technology. It means that human organization respects ecological limits, long-term consequences, and responsibility toward people who will live after us.

Local Governance of Natural Resources Can Be Powerful

A community living beside a river, forest, or pasture can develop a direct interest in caring for it over the long term. If its members personally experience the consequences of depletion, they possess different information and incentives from a distant administration. Research on common resources has shown that local communities can, under certain conditions, develop effective rules of governance, monitoring, and sanctioning. This is not a universal law and does not mean local communities always succeed.

It shows that there is a broad institutional space between complete privatization and completely centralized administration. That matters greatly for this vision. Nature is not necessarily better protected merely because a large state manages it. Nor is it necessarily better protected simply because control is local. The right question is: Which arrangement best connects knowledge, responsibility, long-term interest, and effective limits on abuse?

A Moral Society Does Not Need a Moral Police

The phrase moral society can create a danger. Someone may interpret it as: “Everyone must live according to my idea of the good life.” That would be the opposite of self-government.

A moral society is not one in which institutions supervise every human action. It is a society in which people increasingly accept moral boundaries internally, because they understand the reasons behind them. External systems are most necessary where conduct violates the legitimate rights of others or where common coordination cannot otherwise be achieved. Conscience cannot develop if it is entirely replaced by surveillance. If every good act is merely a reaction to punishment, we have not built a moral society.

We have built an obedient society. Those are not the same thing.

Compassion Also Needs Boundaries

A moral society requires more than justice in a cold procedural sense. It also requires compassion. People can fall into hardship without moral fault. Illness.

Accident. Disability. Loss of housing. A difficult childhood.

Natural disaster. A community that sees such a person only as a cost may preserve a very narrow conception of contract while abandoning broader human solidarity. But compassion also requires wisdom. Help that creates permanent dependency can reduce a person's capacity for independent life.

Help that rewards destructive behavior may worsen the problem. A good institution therefore asks not only: “How much can we give?” but: “How can we help this person increase their capacity for independent and responsible life again, where that is possible?” This connects compassion with self-government.

A Just Institution Must Permit Criticism

An institution that cannot tolerate the question: “Why do you possess this power?” is already dangerous. If the power is justified, there should be reasons that can at least in principle be explained. That does not mean everyone will be satisfied by the answer.

It means authority cannot demand: “Do not ask.” A just institution therefore needs a culture of: criticism,

argument, transparency, independent review, protection for whistleblowers, correction of mistakes, and the admission: “We can be wrong too.” This is the institutional form of the epistemic discipline with which THY-REALITY began.

A Good Institution Knows How to Shrink

Organizations rarely surrender powers voluntarily. Once a new department, program, monitoring mechanism, or emergency power exists, it can develop an interest in its own continuation. A just institution therefore also needs mechanisms for asking: Do we still need this function? If the problem disappears, the justification for special power should disappear with it.

If local communities develop a better solution, the higher level should be capable of withdrawing. If competing solutions reveal a better model, change should remain possible. An institution that only expands and never contracts deserves particular caution.

From self-government to connected polycentric communities and ten tests of a just institution

What Would the Positive Direction Look Like?

Probably not like one perfect system designed on paper. More likely, it would be a direction. The individual first assumes greater responsibility for themselves. Families, neighborhoods, and local communities take responsibility for tasks they can solve well.

Communities connect voluntarily and contractually for broader functions. Different institutions perform different tasks. No institution possesses an automatic moral monopoly over the whole life of the individual. Higher levels exist where problems genuinely require them.

Knowledge flows among communities. People can compare systems. Mistakes can be more easily contained. Natural resources are governed as close as possible to where the consequences are visible, with broader coordination where effects cross local boundaries.

Solidarity remains human rather than merely administrative. Individual rights remain a boundary upon the community. The community, meanwhile, gives individuals something an atomized person cannot easily create alone: belonging, assistance, cooperation, common projects, and responsibility toward real people. This is not a perfect solution. It is a direction.

Ten Tests for an Institution Worth Supporting

When evaluating an institution, we can ask: 1. Which real human need or morally justified function does it serve? 2. Do its powers remain limited to that function? 3. Does it solve the problem at the lowest level capable of solving it adequately? 4. Are the people affected involved in decision-making and oversight? 5. Is there a realistic possibility of appeal, correction, and limiting abuse? 6. Does it respect basic personal autonomy and protect minorities? 7. Does it permit competition, alternatives, or exit where feasible? 8. Does it account for long-term ecological and social consequences? 9. Does its structure encourage cooperation, responsibility, and compassion rather than passive dependency? 10. Would we entrust it with the same powers if it were controlled tomorrow by people with whom we deeply disagree?

The final question remains one of the strongest tests. An institution is not just only when “our side” controls it. Its structure must remain defensible when they do not.

Do We Owe Support to Such an Institution?

We can now return to the initial question. If an institution: protects legitimate rights, operates with sufficient justice,

has limited powers, permits oversight, uses coercion only where it can be justified, solves problems at an appropriate level, and enables cooperation without unnecessary domination,

then there is a strong moral reason to support it. Perhaps even when we did not personally create it. But notice what has happened. The duty does not arise because something is the state.

Nor because something is law. Nor because something is tradition. It arises from the moral quality of the function and the institution. That is a much more important conclusion.

Just institutions do not deserve support because they possess authority. Authority deserves support only insofar as it remains an instrument of a just institution.

The Positive Vision Is Not a Society Without Structures

This also makes the direction of external anarchy clearer. It does not lead toward a world without organization. Not toward a world without common rules. Not toward a world in which every person stands alone.

Quite the opposite. The vision may be a society containing a rich network of institutions, but without automatically concentrating every function inside one supreme center. Smaller communities. Cooperatives.

Arbitration systems. Local mutual-aid networks. Professional networks. Regional cooperation.

International coordination. Common standards. Research institutions. Healthcare.

Infrastructure. Protective systems. All connected by the principle: as local as possible; as broad as necessary. That is fundamentally different from isolation. It is connection without unnecessary centralization.

From Internal Monarchy to Connected Community

Internal monarchy was the beginning: learn to govern yourself. But the human being is not an isolated island. We live among others.

Responsibility therefore expands outward. Do not steal. Do not deceive. Do not attack.

Keep your word. Help where you reasonably can. Do not unfairly transfer your burden onto others. Protect common resources.

Repair the harm you cause. Admit error. Cooperate. From these seemingly simple actions, moral culture emerges. And from moral culture, different institutions can emerge.

Not institutions that must hold human beings under constant surveillance. But institutions capable of relying on a much higher level of personal responsibility. That changes the entire architecture of society.

Order Can Expand from the Inside Out

The direction can now be expressed as a sequence: self-government → responsibility → trust → cooperation → community → polycentric institutions → wider networks of cooperation. Rather than: central authority → command → control → obedience → order.

The first model will probably never eliminate the second completely. There will always be people who violate boundaries. Mechanisms of protection will always be necessary. Some problems will always require broader coordination. But the relationship can change.

More order can emerge before coercion. More problems can be solved closer to the person. More cooperation can rest on reciprocity and trust. And higher institutions can become more like services to a network of communities than supreme owners of their lives. That is an important positive vision.

The Next Question

We now have a first outline of an institution worth supporting. But a major problem remains. Even a good institution requires rules. Sometimes it must make a decision with which part of the community disagrees.

Sometimes it must resolve a dispute. Sometimes it must use force to protect one person from another. And sometimes several communities must make a common decision even without full agreement. This creates the next question:

If we want a decentralized, connected, and moral society, how do we make common decisions without turning cooperation into a new form of rule?

That is the next step.

Sources and further reading

  1. John Rawls — A Theory of Justice.
  2. John Rawls — Political Liberalism.
  3. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy — Political Obligation.
  4. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy — Political Legitimacy.
  5. Elinor Ostrom — Governing the Commons.
  6. Elinor Ostrom — Beyond Markets and States: Polycentric Governance of Complex Economic Systems.
  7. Vincent Ostrom, Charles Tiebout & Robert Warren — The Organization of Government in Metropolitan Areas: A Theoretical Inquiry.
  8. European Union — Subsidiarity and proportionality.